Six buses, several cars and vans, and a trailer truck packed with 35 tons of food, medical supplies, etc. left the Mexico City Zócalo for San Juan Copala, Oaxaca, at 9:20 the night of Monday, June 12. The name of the Caravana, “Beti Cariño and Jyri Jaakkola”, is in honor of a strong, much loved human rights defender who worked tirelessly for the unification of the Triqui people, and of a comrade from Finland who worked with the VOCAL organization on food sovereignty and climate change projects, also much loved and appreciated for his stance of solidarity. The two were murdered by the UBISORT paramilitary group led by Rufino Juárez on April 27 of this year for daring to participate in the first humanitarian caravan to the Autonomous Municipality. Their motive? Breaking through a paramilitary siege that has forced 700 families to live without light, water, school, medical attention and with very little food ever since last November 27.

Now the aim of the second caravan is the same, to break the siege. To get into the Autonomous Municipality to deliver the supplies, participate in an informational program on this dignified Triqui community’s experience with self-government, to record testimonies of human rights violations in a town where you can get shot any time you step outside your door. A town where dozens of people have been killed in recent months, including last May 20, when a commando of men described as “non-indigenous” shot down Tleriberta Castro Aguilar and her husband Timoteo Alejandro Ramírez, the natural leader and prime mover of autonomy in San Juan Copala.

But killings and acts of violence go on every day in the country. What made somewhere around 350 people decide to return to the scene of an ambush, knowing that something similar could happen again? For the people from San Juan Copala, it’s clear. Breaking the siege is a matter of life and death. And it’s also a top priority for keeping the autonomy project going.

For a lot of us, sick at our stomachs over so many outrageous abuses where the perpetrators go scot-free, the April 27 ambush was kind of like the attack on the Free Gaza fleet ––a moment when you say “things aren’t going to go on this way,” especially when some of the comrades hit hardest in the ambush immediately say “we have to go back into that territory with a much bigger human rights caravan”.
http://contralinea.info/archivo-revista/index.php/2010/05/09/sobrevivir-a-la-emboscada/

A brief survey of some of the caravaners elicits different responses about what led them to join in: “If I don’t go, what do I do with my rage? How can just shoot down people who went there in peace!” “They’re comrades. We have to stand by them”. “What kind of county do we live in were the police themselves have to ask Rufino Juarez’s permission to go into the area?” “I support what they’re doing in San Juan Copala. The least we can do is take them some food. ” “We have to defend autonomy to get rid of the parasites in the political class”. “So they can’t get away with what they did.” “To break the siege.”

But whatever each person’s reason for going may be, everyone is conscious of the risk. Some say they hope all the international support will pressure Ulises Ruiz to call off his dogs, but it’s clear that any one of us could die in San Juan Copala.

The previously announced press conference is not happening, at least not with the right people, the Caravan organizers. Most reporters show a decided preference for listening to speeches by Alejandro Encinas and other PRD congresspersons, who’ve shown their intense concern for the situation in San Juan Copala for a long time –at least two weeks. (See “Legislators and San Juan Copala Residents Demand Dismantelment of Paramilitary Group” http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2010/05/21/.) The racist position of promoting the PRD House Coordinator as the top leader will go on all during the Caravan. (See “Encinas Orders Return of Humanitarian Caravan,” http://www.milenio.com/node/461188 .)

Even so, many of the free and independent media projects fight to bring out what’s really happening. In an interview a couple of hours before the departure of the Caravan, spokesperson Marcos Albino Ortiz expresses his thanks for the support of student groups, social and professional organizations, and congresspersons. When asked about the excessive self-promotion of the legislators, which gives the impression that they’re the Caravan organizers, Marcos responds that they’re present “in solidarity and are not carrying their own banner”, and that the Caravan is organized “by the people who are experiencing the violence of the paramilitary siege in their own flesh and blood.” He stresses that the safe arrival of the Caravan is a top priority and says: “We’re closely watching its progress to see what the conditions are and to see whether it will be able to go in or not.” He sends big hugs to all the people who are planning solidarity actions on June 8 in Mexico City and different parts of the world against the injustices against Triqui people. He sends a message of thanks to the Other Campaign for its support for autonomy from the left: “We can’t let San Juan Copala’s autonomy be destroyed. We can’t bow down to State pressure and intimidation.”
http://vientos.info/cml/audios/20100607EntrevistaAntesCaravana/20100607_1918EntrevistaConMarcosAlbino.mp3

Another bus is added to the original 5; as of yet, this one carries only a few people. As soon as we leave the city, the rules are read on each bus and everyone signs a statement promising to respect the decisions made by the Triqui Coordinating Committee, which knows the land and the people better than anyone else. We then organize ourselves into brigades of from 6 to 8 people to look out for each other.

Some of us sleep for a while before we get to Huajuapan de León at 6:30 in the morning, where we get a view of the crescent Moon in Aries in a sky streaked with shades of rose, blue, and yellow, that get brighter as the Sun comes up.

Comrades come in from the city of Oaxaca, Chiapas, Vera Cruz, Campeche, and Guerrero. And our spirits are lifted by greetings from comrades who’ll be protesting in Seattle, Portland, Boston, Vancouver, Barcelona, Paris, and several cities in Greece, Italy, and Germany, among other places.

While the brigades go out for breakfast, the Coordinating Commission meets for a long time to evaluate the constantly changing situation. Another press conference gets postponed. In view of a news flash about a provocative action being organized by PRI party candidate Eviel Pérez Magaña to “welcome” the Caravan to Juxtlahuaca, the route is modified in order to avoid this kind of confrontation. The protection of the lives of the people on the Caravan continues to be a top priority for the organizers. More news of danger comes in, leading to a reconsideration of whether or not conditions exist for the Caravan to proceed.

In the ongoing monitoring of the situation, reports are often fragmentary, contradictory, and confusing. Thisproblem get even more complicated when information and rumors are passed on by word of mouth. As is the case in almost any situation, there are differences of opinion over key issues. In spite of an overall distrust of the PRD due to its betrayal of all the indigenous people of Mexico in 2001, among many other things, some people insist that it would be impossible to advance safely without the party’s presence. Other questions come up. Is it true that Encinas has asked state and federal police to come in? How can we possibly expect them to protect us after what they did in Oaxaca and Atenco in 2006? Won’t they use it as a pretext to occupy the area?

At 10 o’clock, Commission members come out of their meeting. “Let’s go to San Juan Copala!” We grab our things and get on the bus in high spirits.

Now there are more than 400 of us, and we feel strong as we slowly move ahead in 22 vehicles. At 1:08 in the afternoon, a convoy of from 12 to 15 state police patrol trucks and other vehicles of the supposedly non-existent AFI and other police forces block the road going into Juxtlahuaca.

The representatives of the Autonomous Municipality demand a guarantee of safe passage for the Caravan to San Juan Copala from the Oaxaca State Attorney General María de la Luz Candelaria Chiñas. But she’s not interested in talking to them. She’d rather talk to the congresspersons. She assures them that several different agencies are working on security issues. She tells them that the Caravan will only be allowed to go on if the leaders hand over the documents of all participants, a condition that is rejected as a violation of the right of freedom of movement.

At 1:25, most of us get off the buses and start calmly walking ahead, circumventing the police convoy. We’re all happy about making it clear they haven’t been able to intimidate us. A couple of people suggest that we could just keep on walking to Copala, carrying the supplies in with us. When the police cars have to move on ahead of us, we get back on the buses and go on to the town of Santa Rosa in the Mixteca Region. From this time on, most of us don’t get much information about the negotiations due to security considerations. A lot of the following details only came out in subsequent conversations or reports.

At Santa Rosa there are more talks with the Attorney General. To make it short, she assures Alejandro Encinas that freedom of movement exists in Oaxaca, but the government can’t guarantee it.

She says that Oaxaca state police agents and those of the AFI (that doesn’t exist), SSP, PFP, PGR, public prosecutors, human rights officials, and state legislators are all here to provide safety for the Caravan, but that there is no way to give “a 100% guarantee that there will be no problems.” And why is this? Ahhh, of course. It’s because the government simply “has no control” over these “violent Triquis” or over “historic problems” between the MULTI, UBISORT and MULT organizations. She washes her hands of the matter: “The government is not responsible for any act of provocation between them.”

Candelaria Chiñas has several suggestions, including one that UBISORT should stand guard over the Caravan, another that UBISORT should participate in the negotiations in Juxtlahuaca, and still another that the Caravan should hand over part of the food and medical supplies to UBISORT ––conditions that are obviously an insult to the Autonomous Municipality. And where do these original ideas come from? Well, if truth be told, they’re demands made by Rufino Juárez, who doesn’t even blush about dictating the terms of the “dialogue”.

Doctor Adrian Ramirez, President of the Mexican Human Rights League, LIMEDDH, asks how it’s possible that you officials have dealings with “somebody accused of serious crimes that you can’t even control!”

Once again, Marcos Albino and Omar Esparza demand that the authorities investigate the murders in the first caravan and that they guarantee the entry of the Caravan.

Another of Rufino Juárez’s messengers, the President of the State Human Rights Commission, Heriberto Antonio García, states that there are Triquis who oppose the entry of the Caravan. “Rufino Juarez is there a little further on with a group of people….and we think there could be some kind of conflict.” He assures everyone that “they want dialogue. We’ve urged them to allow passage of the Caravan without any obstructions… but they’ve been totally clear about the fact that it is not convenient for the Caravan to enter right now.”

In other words, UBISORT’s word is law. Has the State created a monster it can’t control? Or is it just that it’s not to its advantage to control it right now?

As the Caravan gets into the Triqui Region, the nature of the police operation changes. Now hundreds of state and federal police not only ride around in pickups. They take up positions at every 50 to 100 yards on the ridges, slopes, and other strategic points with their assault rifles pointed at the Caravan. Are they the police? Military troops? Militarized police? Policified troops? Paramilitaries? Parapolice? How can we tell? They all look alike and act the same way.

“They aren’t there for UBISORT”, says one comrade. “They’re there for us.”

From this point on, no one is allowed to get off the bus under any circumstances. Several of us try to document the operation from inside.

There are more talks in Agua Fría, a new evaluation, and another decision to proceed with caution. When we get to a rise called Diamante approaching La Sabana, the police offer to take a congressmen and, apparently, a human rights defender to verify whether or not UBISORT has blocked the road. They find that a row of UBISORT paramilitaries are backing up a row of women and children from their organization at the entrance to San Juan Copala ––an astute tactic to make it seem in the press that the Caravan is against indigenous women and children.

Around 5 o’clock in the afternoon, it’s reported on the buses that “there were gunshots,” that “security conditions do not exist for the Caravan to advance,” and that “we will return to Huajuapan.” Mission aborted. Many of us strongly disagree with the decision and think that by turning back now, we’re losing our best chance to go into Copala and break the siege. We think the mood of people willing to go in despite the risk is a key factor. The Commission considers what we say, but sticks to their decision. They don’t want to risk the life of a single person.

That night, there’s an event at the Flamingos meeting hall, where Jorge Albino and Omar Esparza call for intensifying national and international pressure to break the siege around San Juan Copala. Given the complicity of the State with the paramilitaries, they plan to rely on international bodies like the Red Cross to deliver the supplies. If this doesn’t work, there’s a proposal for a women’s caravan to try once more to break the siege.

After the event, there’s a march and rally in the streets of Huajuapan, and the next day, more talks and evaluations in the city. There’s also a march the next day in the city of Oaxaca, with a contingent supporting San Juan Copala. On Thurday, June 9, the Caravan is welcomed in the Mexico City Zócalo with hugs, smiles, a tear or two, and a lot of reflection about how to move ahead on the road to autonomy ––the road to San Juan Copala.

Communiqué update:

On the armed attack on the Support and Solidarity Caravan to the Autonomous Municipality of San Juan Copala, Oaxaca

We want to let you know that DAVID VENEGAS REYES is with us and is just fine, and that NOE BAUTISTA JIMENEZ is hospitalized at the IMSS, where his family and friends who are taking care of him have been harassed and intimidated. We have denounced the ongoing physical and moral attacks against our comrade.

On the APPO mobilization and denunciation in the city of Oaxaca

At the march called by comrades in some of the APPO organizations, we started out from the Fountain of the 7 Regions with grief, rage, and righteous indignation to show our support for the process of building autonomy in San Juan Copala, and to demand punishment for the murders committed by the paramilitary Union of Social Welfare of the Triqui Region (UBISORT).

Our purpose was to make a public demand for much needed justice in Copala, and to publicly accuse those responsible for the brutal ambush of the Caravan of Observation and Support for the Autonomous Municipality. The attack was a blow to the autonomy of the peoples, and we can’t allow the repression to continue. This has been the situation since 2006 and before, when repression has come down on peoples organizing and struggling to build a process of governing ourselves with autonomy, dignity, and peace, but also with justice, while the governments do what they will with total impunity.

Another key demand of the march was punishment for the killers of our comrades Alberta Cariño and Jyri Antero Jakkola.

Dear Friends and Supporters,

Please read, take action, and spread the word!

As you may know, on February 18, 2010, Juan Manuel Martínez Moreno – the Oaxacan social activist falsely accused of the 2006 murder of Indymedia reporter Brad Will – was released after 16 months in prison. This is an important victory, but Martínez Moreno, his family, and other activists remain at risk.

Since his release, Martínez Moreno and his family have been subjected to constant harassment. They have received death threats and the government-linked paramilitaries which eyewitnesses and photographic evidence tie to the murder of Brad Will have frequently been seen standing outside the Martínez Moreno home.

For fear of being killed or rearrested, Martínez Moreno has gone into hiding. There is also fear that the Attorney General may attempt to scapegoat other members of the social movement for Will’s murder.

Please join us in demanding the harassment and threats against Martínez Moreno and his family cease and that those truly responsible for the murder of Brad Will be brought to justice.

Please send the below sample letter in Spanish – or your own – to the email addresses provided.

Estimado ___,

Le escribo hoy para exigir que cede el acoso y las amenazas contra Juan Manuel Martínez Moreno y su familia de forma inmediata. Desde que Martínez Moreno fue liberado de la carcel, donde fue detenido sin prueba ninguna por el asesinato del periodista estadounidense, Brad Will, él y su familia han recibido amenazas y otras formas de acoso constante. Han recibido amenazas de muerte y los funcionarios locales que fueron grabados en 2006 disparando contra Brad Will se han visto en frente de la casa de la familia Martínez Moreno en varias ocasiones.

Exigimos que tomen las medidas necesarias para asegurar el bienestar y seguridad de Juan Manuel Martínez Moreno y su familia, ya que su seguridad es responsabilidad del gobierno estatal de Oaxaca tanto como el gobierno federal; cualquier ataque que ocurra contra ellos se verá como falla del gobierno mexicano, por no haber actuado.

Exigimos que los verdaderos asesinos de Brad Will – y de los 25 oaxaqueños asesinados por los paramilitares vinculados al estado en 2006 – se lleven a la justicia. Una investigación sobre las acciones de la policía municipal y los miembros del PRI, Santiago Zárate, Orlando Manuel Aguilar Coello, Pedro Carmona, Juan Carlos Soriano, y Juan Sumano, quienes se ven disparando contra Brad Will en fotografías, debe empezar de una vez. No aceptamos que se eche la culpa de las crímenes del gobierno a activistas de la APPO.

Atentamente,

English translation – Please send the Spanish version

I am writing to demand that the harassment and threats against Juan Manuel Martínez Moreno and his family cease immediately. Since Martínez Moreno was released from prison where he was falsely accused of the murder of U.S. journalist Brad Will, he and his family have faced constant harassment. They have received death threats and the local government officials filmed in 2006 firing at Brad Will have been standing in front of their home.

We demand you take all action necessary to ensure the safety and well-being of Juan Manuel Martínez Moreno and his family. Should anything happen to them, we will hold the state government of Oaxaca and the federal government fully responsible, as they are either complicit in the harassment or capable of stopping it and instead are doing nothing.

We also demand that the true killers of Brad Will – and the 25 Oaxacans killed by government-backed paramilitaries in 2006 – be brought to justice. An investigation should begin immediately into the actions of municipal police and PRI members Santiago Zárate, Orlando Manuel Aguilar Coello, Pedro Carmona, Juan Carlos Soriano and Juan Sumano, who were documented firing at Brad Will. It is imperative justice is served. We will not accept the scapegoating of APPO activists for the government’s crimes.

Sincerely,

Send to:

Fernando Francisco Gómez-Mont Urueta
Minister of the Interior
secretario@segob.gob.mx

Arturo Sarukhan Casamitjana
Ambassador of Mexico to the United States
mexembusa@sre.gov.mx

Ulises Ruiz Ortiz
Governor of Oaxaca
gobernador@oaxaca.gob.mx

Felipe Calderón
President of Mexico
felipe.calderon@presidencia.gob.mx

Evencio Nicolás Martínez Ramírez,
Oaxaca State Attorney General
buzonciudadano@pgj.net

RAUL PLASCENCIA VILLANUEVA
President of the National Human Rights Commission
correo@cndh.gob.mx

LIC. EDUARDO MEDINA-MORA ICAZA
Federal Attorney General
ofproc@pgr.gob.mx

MAG. LIC. HECTOR ANUAR MAFUD MAFUD
President of the Superior State Court
oaxtsj@infosel.net.mx

Head of the Mexican Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
oacnudh@hchr.org.mx

Amidst the clouds and rainy day, the Martinez Moreno family was greeted by community members, teachers, friends, and media. Family and friends marched from the prison to the Zocalo. Juan Manuel was imprisoned for approximately 16 months without any solid evidence or witnesses proving him guilty.

photos by Sylvia Gonzalez

Juan Manuel (green shirt) walks free with his family, friends, and teachers at his side while leaving Ixcotel prison.

The media captures the release of Juan Manuel Martinez Moreno

The family greets friends waiting for the freedom of Juan Manuel

The family stands strong as they receive the support of the crowd

Family members, friends, teachers, and community members march from the prison to the Zocalo to celebrate the liberty of Juan Manuel Martinez Moreno

Rally in the city center

Audio

In this clip, a community member shares with us some words while waiting for the release of Juan Manuel Martinez Moreno. Juan Manuel was imprisoned for over 16 months for being wrongly accused for the assassination of Bradley Will, Indymedia reporter.

In this clip, Juan Manuel Martinez Moreno shares with us words of hope upon recently being release from prison. He was imprisoned for over 16 months for being wrongfully accused for the murder of Bradley Will, Indymedia journalist, who was documenting a mobilization in Oaxaca during the 2006 APPO movement

Oaxaca — January 30, 2010

Press Release

On Thursday January 28, at around 9 p.m. Andrea Caraballo, Guadalupe Rodriguez Lopez, James Wells and Jennifer Lawhorne were eating ice cream in the zocalo of Oaxaca. At that time, one of us recognized the face of the governor of Oaxaca who was about nine feet away from us. As a friend of Brad Will, a U.S. journalist who was killed in Oaxaca in 2006, one of us took advantage of the governor’s presence to ask him about the case of Mr. Will, which to this day remains unresolved. We didn’t receive a response from the governor who continued walking and we continued strolling in the zocalo with our ice creams. Five minutes later, between six and eight police agents, some in official uniform and others dressed in plainclothes, surrounded us, demanding to see our identifications and made us walk with them to a municipal police truck. While the police forced us to get into the back of the truck, we asked them why they were taking us away and to where they were going to take us. The police refused to give us any information. We were actually very afraid and worried for our safety.

After traveling for half an hour, we arrived at the police headquarters of Santa Maria Coyotepec, located outside of the Oaxaca city limits.. Once we entered, the police took photographs of us and asked us questions. We demanded the presence of an attorney, which was denied by the police officials. We spent an hour there surrounded by police, faces covered with ski masks, who humiliated and threatened us. Later, the police put us once again in the police truck and without telling us to where we were going, we left the headquarters. The truck stopped about half a block away from the state General Procuradaria of Justice (PGJO in its letters in Spanish), the police ordered us to leave our belongings in the darkness of the street and when we refused to do that, they insisted by threatening us for half an hour while recording us with video. After entering the offices of the PGJO, the police ordered us to leave our belongings with them and that we make a declaration one by one without the presence of an attorney. We remained firm that we weren’t going to do anything until our attorney arrived.

After waiting for more than an hour, we were taken to a room where we supposedly were going to make a call to our lawyer. While in the room, a police officer read to us a document explaining our charges and to our surprise we were accused of scuffling and causing harm to two police agents. In that document, our arrest was ordered and without making the call to our lawyer, we were pushed and dragged out of the room, while twisting the wrist of one of us. That’s how we were taken to the jail cells at 12:30 in the morning. At 1:30, we were allowed to see a lawyer, Jesus Alfredo Lopez Garcia, who we agreed to be our legal representative. From then on we knew that we were going to spend the night in jail. Throughout the night, the police continued to intimidate us, asking us why we were there. We continued to state that we didn’t do anything to cause our incarceration because we never committed any crime. Confused, we did our best to sleep on the cold jail floor.

The next day, Friday January 29, we learned that the gravity of charges that had been filed against us had increased. One of us was taken to make a statement when she learned that we were being accused of assaulting two police officers and damaging a police radio valued at about $3000 (USD). We continued to demand our right to not make a statement. At around 4p.m., our attorney informed us that for a lack of evidence, we were going to be set free without charges and without having to pay bail, under the provision of passing through a review with officials from National Immigration Institute. Upon arrival at the federal immigration offices located in the center of the city, we presented our passports and visas and shortly we were allowed to walk free.

After learning about the situation, the U.S. consul, Mark Leyes, invited us to visit him at his office the same evening and told us that he was sorry for what had happened to us. We would like to thank the attorney Jesus Alfredo Lopez Garcia from the Mexican Protectorate for Human Rights, our friends and family members for all of their support and care.

Sincerely,
Andrea Caraballo, Guadalupe Rodriguez Lopez, Jennifer Lawhorne and Jimmy Wells

Testimony from one of the arrested tourists

download video

a bad night in oaxaca
http://unamalanocheenoaxaca.blogspot.com

A Mexican judge has once again called for the release of human rights activist Juan Manuel Martinez Moreno. Moreno was charged with the murder of Indymedia journalist Brad Will in 2006, despite the fact that there was no evidence against him. On December 31, 2009, a Mexican judge recognized this lack of evidence, and ordered Moreno’s release within fifteen days.

Supporters of Juan Manuel Martinez Moreno say that he was framed for the murder because he is an activist who has pointed out corruption in the Mexican government. Several off-duty Mexican police who were caught on film shooting at Brad Will have not been charged with any crime. This past October, another judge ordered Moreno to be released due to lack of evidence, but the Mexican Attorney General’s office appealed the order. Moreno has been in jail for over a year, despite the fact that over one hundred eyewitnesses say that he was not present at the scene of Brad Will’s murder.

This is an interview with Kathy Will, Brad Will’s mother, about Juan Manuel’s case.

source: http://kboo.fm/node/18611

Let each man and each woman who loves freedom spread it far and wide with determination and stubbornness, undeterred by mockery, heedless of danger, unmindful of the consequences;
let’s get to work comrades, and tomorrow our ideal of freedom will be a reality.
Ricardo Flores Magón

Comrades and friends:

Warm, combative greetings to all of you from the crew here at the Oaxacan Autonomous Solidarity House of Self-Sustaining Work (CASOTA), a space we’ve constructed as part of this widespread Oaxacan movement. For the last year, it’s been in motion thanks to the collective effort of people who believe in building a new society, another world, as our Zapatista brothers and sisters say, or strengthening our communality, as we say in Oaxaca. Little by little, with a lot of work, new initiatives have been launched that we believe will point the way towards that other relationship which has sustained the resistance and liberation of our peoples for centuries. And so we’re happy to make you part of this first anniversary that we’re celebrating as a space, and we’re sending you an INVITATION to the event that we’re organizing for Saturday, November 7, 2009 at 5 o’clock in the afternoon.

Your presence is very important for us so that we can share the strong points and the errors that we’ve accumulated during this year of work and so that, together, we can broaden and deepen the social nature of this project.

We’re extending this invitation to you with the firm idea that this and other autonomous projects fortunately being set in motion by many rebellious men and women in Oaxaca, the sons and daughters of 2006, are nothing more nor less than the seeds of a future society, the means to reach the ultimate aim of all our dreams, an aim worthy of the application of our minds, hearts, force and hope: the social revolution that will radically and definitively change our society.

We hope we can count on our presence and the good cheer that characterizes our peoples.

Affectionately yours,

By Steven Renderos & Sylvia González
November 1, 2009

Two different people – different stories, different places, – separated by nearly 2,000 miles, were connected three years ago when their lives were cut short by gunfire. Fong Lee and Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes suffered a death inflicted by the gunshots of police and paramilitary officials. For Cervantes, it was one gunshot wound to the chest; for Lee, three gunshot wounds in his back, and five more to the front. Cervantes died seeking justice during the popular movement in 2006 in Oaxaca, Mexico, while Fong Lee died as a result of deeply rooted racism and police brutality in communities of color across the United States.

The stories of Lorenzo and Fong tell the tales of paramilitary repression during the popular movement of 2006 in Oaxaca, Mexico and police brutality and racism in the Hmong community in Minneapolis- and how they play out in different sociopolitical contexts. While their lives ended tragically, their stories continue as their family and community members are fighting back, building unity, and defining “justice” and “dignity” on their own terms and based on their own experiences.

Background on Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes

In the summer of 2006, a broad-based movement exploded in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. What first began as a teacher’s sit-in at the main plaza of Oaxaca by the Seccion 22 (teacher’s union) soon culminated into a popular movement where thousands of community members raised their voices against abuses from the state government, years of fraudulent elections, and more than 500 years of injustices. On June 14th, 2006, bombs of tear gas were thrown from paramilitary helicopters to peacefully protesting teachers and community members under the orders of Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz. For more than five months, el pueblo reclaimed spaces in the city, built barricades at busy street intersections, and exercised self-determination by taking back over 12 radio stations and one television station.

On August 21st, 2006, an announcement was made on the commercial radio station, “La Ley”, one of 12 radio stations that el pueblo Oaxaqueño took back during the 2006 popular movement. The announcement urged people to hit the streets and defend the radio station and antennas, an important apparatus that was used as an organizing tool to disseminate information and mobilize gente to action. Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes, husband and father of four, responded like thousands of other people did: they took to the streets to reclaim what transnational corporations had robbed from them-the media. The PRI political party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional or Institutional Revolutionary Party) and paramilitary troops driving in unidentified vehicles, better known as the “Convoy of Death”, were sent under the orders of Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz with clear intentions to violently repress el pueblo from occupying the radio stations and antennas. In the early eve of August 22, 2006, paramilitary troops opened fire on el pueblo that selflessly stood up to defend the radio stations and antennas. Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes was shot and murdered under the orders of Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz of Oaxaca that day.

Background on Fong Lee

On the evening of July 22, 2006 a group of young teenagers were cruising near a park on their bikes. One of the teenagers riding his bike was 19 yr old Fong Lee. Before I continue, that description, regardless of location is probably reminiscent of the harmless activity of a lot of teenagers across the world that evening. But this is North Minneapolis and the teenagers are Hmong and through the lens of the Minneapolis Police Department this scene is suspicious.

The police officers gave chase to the teenagers assuming that the youth might be dealing drugs therefore excessive force is justified. Fong Lee is chased down into a school yard, here is where the account of events diverge, the official police documented story is that Fong Lee was carrying a gun. One of the officers giving chase, Jason Anderson, “feeling” his life and the life of his partner was in danger because a young teenager running away from him was holding a gun, shot Fong Lee a total of eight times.

Video footage suggests Fong Lee was unarmed.

Here are the details of July 22nd which still remain unclear. For starters, no drugs were ever found on Fong Lee. The gun which Fong Lee allegedly had, never turned up Lee’s fingerprints and there’s further speculation that the gun found at the scene was supposed to be in the custody of Minneapolis P.D.

Regardless of what story you choose to believe, the life of Fong Lee was lost that evening at the hands of a police officer with the Minneapolis P.D.

Seeking Justice for Lorenzo Sampablo

La lucha sigue three years after the assassination of Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes and 26 other people that gave their lives up during the 2006 movement in hopes for social transformation. Amidst money bribes from the PRI government to silence the death and memory of Lorenzo Sampablo, the family members openly rejected the money and have instead launched a campaign to seek justice for Lorenzo Sampablo and the 25 other peoples who died during the movement. Along with legally filing a lawsuit, the family is reaching out to other community members in resistance. The family has participated in numerous caravans within Oaxaca and across Mexico to thread together local resistances and collectively envision strategies and analyses across sociogeographic boundaries. As Trinidad Sampablo, sister of Lorenzo, reminds us, “We are not just fighting for Lorenzo. We are fighting for all who have fallen. I would like for us to be united to seek justice…that we not forget the names of our family members that gave their life to a noble cause, a better world”.

Seeking Justice for Fong Lee

In the aftermath of the slaying of Fong Lee, the Hmong community responded by hitting the streets and protesting this egregious act. They mobilized the Hmong community as well as other communities who are very familiar with abuses from the police department.

The Lee family responded by hitting the court system. The court case revealed how badly the police department handled and investigated the case as well as a certain bias as to what evidence was acceptable and what wasn’t. While Lee’s alleged history and participation in gangs was allowed in the court case, Lee’s killer, Officer Anderson’s history of police misconduct and discriminatory actions were not.

The jury in the case was made up of all white individuals. The mainstream media’s coverage of the case didn’t seek to answer some of the many questions and gaping holes swirling the case. Ultimately factors like discrimination, excessive force, police brutality were not considered legitimate points of prosecution. In a system supposedly set up to achieve justice, it seems more barriers were in place to avoid accountability.

Ultimately, Officer Anderson received a Medal of Valor for his brutal act and was acquitted of all charges. So what happened to the brave police officer? He was dismissed from the police department shortly after the case wrapped up for officer misconduct.

Looking back in order to move forward

As we consider the big, inter-connected picture between Lorenzo and Fong, we are reminded that repression is global in scope and rooted in local contexts, shaped by different histories of colonialism and white supremacy. And while there is repression, there is an overwhelming feeling of resistance and hope in Oaxaca, Minneapolis, and elsewhere, where people are putting an end to the impunity of paramilitary repression and police brutality. They are reclaiming their destiny, grassroots organizing for change, and building another more dignified world.

For this year’s el día de los muertos we write this article-ofrenda and honor the lives of all those who died at the hands of injustices, including Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes and Fong Lee, two people whose spirits remain vibrantly alive in the struggle to seek justice.

Justice for Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes Campaign:
http://lorenzosampablo.saltoscuanticos.org/

About the authors

Steven Renderos is from Los Angeles, California a son of Salvadoran immigrants. He is currently the Media Justice Organizer at Main Street Project, a grassroots cultural organizing, media justice and economic development initiative based in Minneapolis, MN.

In this interview, Trinidad Sampablo (sister) and Paul Sampablo (nephew) recollect Lorenzo Sampablo Cervantes and his decision to stand up for his values of justice and dignity when he, like thousands of others, took to the streets to reclaim the media and their destiny. They also share with us how they will celebrate el dia de los muertos (Day of the Dead) in an attempt to keep Lorenzo and the spirit of resistance alive in Oaxaca.

Click here to listen to the interview:

For more information: Justicia para Lorenzo Sampablo | Poster | Video

October 16, 2009
Translated by Scott Campbell

On the morning of October 11, 2009, after more than a week of remaining kidnapped by the system of injustice which reigns in our state, 10 of our 13 comrades who were arrested on October 2 gained their conditional freedom after a process plagued with irregularities and violations of their individual rights, but with the latent risk that if new elements are gathered they may again be subject to arrest, for which we ask all to be alert of any attempt to deprive them of their freedom.

We continue demanding the absolute freedom of the three comrades who remain kidnapped in the Santa María Ixcotel prison, who are: SOLEDAD GUZMAN RUIZ, GABRIEL MIJANGOS MARTINEZ, and BERNARDO RAFAEL VASQUEZ REYES, as well as demanding their physical well-being inside of the prison as the entire time they have been inside they have been threatened and attacked.

We believe that the repression unleashed on the second of October and the days afterwards is part of a state strategy against the organized people, especially against the youth, who, for thinking, dressing and feeling differently are targets of all the police brutality, proof of which occurred on October 5, when the march demanding the freedom of the October 2 political prisoners made its way from Prepa 2 to the zócalo, two of our young comrades who were leading it were detained. And Wednesday, October 7, the day a rally was held outside of the Ixcotel prison, a surveillance operation was deployed which consisted of patrol cars at the intersections around the prison where the police checked out who was going to the prison to attend the rally. With this we confirm that we are living under a state of siege equal to that of 2006. For this reason we repudiate the ruling of the magistrates of the National Supreme Court of Injustice who have made themselves complicit with the true criminals and murderers (Vicente Fox, Enrique Peña Nieto, Ulises Ruiz, Franco Vargas, etc.). We demand a resolution that conforms to the law – just, ethical and honest.

We again show our respect for the freedom of expression to all those journalists who carry out their work ethically and professionally. We repudiate the infiltration of pseudo-journalists who serve the government in order to attack the social movement.

We are in solidarity with the MEXICAN UNION OF ELECTRICIANS in their just struggle for workers’ rights and against the privatization policies of Felipe Calderón.

WE DEMAND:

1. THE ABSOLUTE FREEDOM OF GABRIEL MIJANGOS MARTNEZ, SOLEDAD GUZMAN RUIZ, BERNARDO RAFAEOL VASQUEZ REYES.
2. THE DROPPING OF THE CHARGES AGAINST THE TEN FREED PRISONERS.
3. AN END TO THE HARASSMENT OF THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT AND THE LIBERTARIAN YOUTH OF OAXACA.
4. THE INTERVENTION OF SECTION 22 AS THESE YOUTH ARE A VERY IMPORTANT PART OF THE PEOPLE WHO MOBILIZED WHEN THE TEACHERS ASKED THEM TO IN 2006.
5. WE DEMAND THAT THE SENSATIONALIST PRESS CARRY OUT THEIR WORK ETHICALLY AND HONESTLY.