Epilogue of a Disappearance

On December 20, 2010, one of the most powerful members of Mexico’s ruling class, Diego Fernández de Cevallos, appeared in public after being held captive since May 14, 2010. During the past seven months, a group called the Mysterious Disappearers released photos of Fernández de Cevallos and a number of letters signed by him to his family and political associates begging them to pay the ransom and not “act like they are poor.” On December 17-18 a long communiqué in three parts entitled “Epilogue of a Disappearance” was circulated on the internet and published in some Mexican newspapers. Signed by the Ex Mysterious Disappearers / Global Transformation Network, it details the motives for the apprehension. It is reproduced in full below:


Ex misteriosos desaparecedores / Red por la Transformación Global

Part One

The classic theoreticians didn’t establish a principle that forbade killing. They were the most compassionate of all men, but they recognized that they faced enemies of humanity who were impossible to conquer through persuasion. Their efforts were aimed at the creation of circumstances in which killing wasn’t advantageous for anyone. They struggled against abusive violence and against violence that impedes movement. They didn’t hesitate to oppose violence with violence.

Bertolt Brecht

In Mexico we’re immersed in a climate of increasingly destructive violence that the government mafias permit and foment because it’s the only way they can hide systematic repression, try to control social discontent, and prevent the spread of people’s struggle, at least for now. The forms of violence are increasingly cruel and atrocious; the conflict has not only left tens of thousands of people dead, but has also spread terror and uncertainty among the living. The disparity between the government’s discourse and its corrupt practices shows clearly that the highest functionaries and institutions of the Mexican State are in collusion with the very crime they say they are fighting.

This initial contradiction has unleashed a continuous chain of lies that are widely broadcast on complicit news media; such coverage is part of the cultural violence that promotes, legitimizes and justifies the direct violence that the government sustains, as well as the violence of hunger, unemployment, migration, juvenile crime and human trafficking. It is part of the silent violence that leads people to shout “Enough is enough!”

Day after day, we witness military impunity, police kidnappings in which victims are turned over to drug traffickers, and the obvious social relationships that the President of Mexico, governors, senators, judges, generals, and police chiefs carry on with the big drug lords, to the extent that it’s possible to affirm that the top bureaucracy and the reactionary sectors of the political class are the very ones who make up the most criminal mafias in our country. The “war” that the government professes to wage for the sake of peace doesn’t go to the root of the problem and doesn’t touch the true white-collar criminals who get rich perpetrating Fobaproa-type swindles, bail-outs for corporations, privatizations (highway concessions, secret contracts dealing with oil, fiber optics and other natural resources) at the same wield that they wield the authority to impose and depose governments.

The most sophisticated violence, however, which hits us every day and may well be what we least recognize as violence, is the kind doesn’t seem to come from a particular person. It’s the “invisible” structural violence that’s always referred to as “devastation”, “heavy blows” or “international crises,” seemingly endless for the people; in fact, such forms of violence are presented to us as “advances.” The TV and government duopoly tries to make us believe in these “advances” and in “modernity,” as We face more job cuts, fewer opportunities to find productive employment, and a salary that is worth less every day. Such “modernity” is not what we’ve dreamed of and is not what we want to hand down to our children.

Poverty, which is dire for many of us, is a constant death threat and is much more powerful than all the groups of hired assassins put together. Life is reduced to a condition of survival without any possibility whatsoever of authentic human development. These conditions bring millions of people closer to death than to life, and in the face of this danger (from which They, the privileged groups, benefit by functionalizing poverty to the maximum extent), no concrete solutions are found unless We produce them ourselves.

Thus, the visible direct violence and the invisible structural and cultural violence (for which nobody seems to be responsible) are promoted and sustained by the governments. These are not the political representatives of all Mexican people, but entities that protect the interests of a small segment of the population and that especially favor a limited number of families at the top of the structure of power and control. They make up the privileged class that is part of a highly sophisticated and efficient framework of key figures and groups which, through meticulous planning and long careers, continue to be placed in strategic positions for their own benefit at the expense of the entire country. The government is a mafia because it protects the interests of the super rich, of the owners of everything, of the companies that loot our natural resources and traffic in everything from people, to arms to drugs to influence. It’s a government that serves the mafias allied with transnational capital, which itself is a mafia.

Major economic and political interests operate both inside and outside the law in a multidimensional framework of family ties, godfatherships, mutually convenient arrangements, secrets, pacts and complicities, all blessed by the powerful upper echelons of the Catholic church and by a certainty that identifies them as belonging to a defined group to which they are loyal, fully aware that They hold all the power and wealth in their hands.

For Us, violence (both visible and apparently invisible) is translated into an ongoing death threat, due on one hand, to the intensification of the conflicts that mafia looting generates as it seeks higher profits, and on the other, to the everyday conditions of poverty and misery that reduce life to a struggle for survival and everyday experience to a narrow runway defined by scarcely 60 pesos per family. People live from hand to mouth and there’s no possibility of getting ahead.

We live under threat of death with access restricted to food, health, basic services, rights and justice. With things as they are, we always lose out, and since we’ve resigned ourselves to it, we stop feeling the violence of not being able to live well. In this sense, We also make violence “normal.” Violence is not only exemplified by the dead; violence is also what we, the living, cover up.

Mexican society, as we can see, is divided in two: They and We. They the rich and We the poor, whose worlds and realities are in total opposition, but exist and develop at the same time. It’s the history that They propagate in their discourse as the evolution of a single project to which all Mexicans supposedly belong “equally and on the same level.” They applaud government speeches that always allude to progress and well-being in Mexico, and They themselves are the proof that the quality of life is constantly improving (better food, clothing, education, health, real estate, personal property, luxuries, vacations, rest, etc.), except that progress is a reality only in their own closed circle.

They accumulate wealth by all possible means, some of which are legal and permissible and others which are illegal and criminal. They’re one and the same. Since They are the ones who make the laws, they always have the possibility of transforming what’s illegal into law and vice versa. In truth, it’s not surprising that in most cases, those who live to accumulate riches don’t distinguish between the people in their circles who “respect the law” and those who don’t. What happens is that some people hold positions in State institutions and can operate from within for their own benefit and be “totally legal.” Political and economic interests are two fronts of the same strategy that is wedded to and defended by violence. The Mexican government sustains itself with the legal and illegal use of direct and indirect structural and cultural violence constructed to safeguard its self-engendered luck of the devil.

In their discourse, the heads of State allege that they will attain “perpetual peace and well-being” in a future (that will never come at this rate), and thereby justify their own use of destructive violence. This utopia of state peace is the basis of the argument that legitimizes death in our times. The danger of death that We experience is the product of the confrontation of economic power groups struggling for political power. The way They act within the state apparatus depersonalizes decisions that have repercussions in the lives of real people. Bureaucratic decisions broaden the distance between the functionaries and ordinary people, and the fiction is publicly maintained that they are “making policy” for “the common good,” even though the community is excluded, in every sense of the word, from decision-making activity.

That “the world of politics is always synonymous with corruption and injustice” is a commonplace observation that synthesizes what people generally think and a reality that the State apparatus and its functionaries reinforce day after day. Yet political activity should be conducted differently, taking into consideration the capacity of everyone to make real, direct decisions about basic issues of life in this society and to establish and alter the legality that rules human coexistence with a view to collective well-being. Society shouldn’t exist to keep people subjugated all their lives, but instead to serve as a form of organization defined by the decisions of all its members. Organization, teaching, and discipline are effective arms, but up until now, They are the ones who’ve known how to use them.

How is it possible that They, being so few, can subjugate Us? One of the most accurate answers is their exclusive use of “State force”; yet the idea that they have a total and definitive monopoly on the use of violence and employ it “only when it is just and necessary” for “the good of all” is a lie that we’ve set out to expose.

As paradoxical as it may seem, the history of humanity shows that, in order to generate humane living conditions, it’s necessary to use violence at certain moments as a suitable social measure that allows for ending some forms of life and generating others. Destructive violence, like the kind the government uses, only conceives of destroying without building something else that’s better and different that would really constitute a better state of life, and not just for a few. Violence is constructive when it is an act of rebellion against the threat of death, when it confronts the death personified by those who condemn us to misery. Violence is presented to us as unjustifiable, above all if it’s used against established power.

The government discourse repudiates it and calls for the preservation of order or for protests within institutional frameworks that don’t even operate in accord with their stated purposes. To maintain the guise of “legality” and “democracy,” the government is presented as the historical result of past struggles. The only permissible political acts are essentially non-political, accompanied by resignation. Cultural violence is the most sophisticated of all because it gives the State a veneer of “acceptability.” People who struggle against the bad government are presented as enemies of the entire society.

But is this mafia-style government the only one that’s possible in our country? We know that it’s not, that another Mexico is possible and that we at the bottom of the heap must build it with our own organizations of workers, campesinos, ecologists, neighborhood people, and victims of both organized crime and crimes committed by the army and the police. It’s up to all of us, to the people of Mexico organized in different ways and using all means, armed and non-armed, to use our organized rebelliousness to build a new Mexico where we can all live in dignity.

In our opinion, the use of violence is an unavoidable resource, but it must be part of a project and not just a necessary means; a project can’t be reduced to destroying another one. Our project is to recover what the vile acts of the powerful have taken from us ––our human condition. Our project is the rehumanization of all of us who are not part of their select circle, unlike their project, which is strictly for their own benefit. Thinking and acting politically means evaluating our conditions of existence and our social and inter-personal relations, transforming them with each and every act, and assuming responsibility for public life. The State interprets all dissidence as an enemy to be exterminated and puts everyone in the same box of criminality, thereby preventing the development of organizational forms that resolve our needs and satisfy our expectations and legitimate demands. This leads us to a point where it’s impossible to do anything at all, and the rules of the game, which they themselves do not follow, are applied to us with the full weight of their destructive State violence. Their existence as a powerful, dominant minority and their forms of operating only persist to the extent that We make them acceptable.

Part Two

The powerful call their own violence “law”, and that of the oppressed, “crime”… that’s why we, the oppressed must struggle for the establishment of a new law in the face of the crimes of the powerful, by every means possible, including violence…

In Mexico, two different countries coexist. One is inhabited by less than 10% of the population. They are the people who participate in politics and applaud government speeches on progress and well-being, because that’s what they are experiencing. It’s a business directed and sustained by those who possess and enjoy the large part of the country’s wealth. By contrast, the other Mexico is inhabited by more than 90% of the population, and even though we’re the great majority, we have no weight when it comes to making political and economic decisions.

Is it possible to identify the individuals who have determined the fate of the whole country? The neoliberal project was concretized in Mexico due to action taken by several key figures who agreed with it and were complicit in it. The figure of Carlos Salinas de Gortari clearly stands out at the beginning of the destructive stage, in which a number of interests and processes came together; he is a key actor and a member of the tightest circles of controlling power in this mafia framework. Salinas imposed transformations (designed at the top of the capitalist power structure) together with the United States, which has not abandoned its historical political interventionism, and with the support of the political and corporate elite of Mexico of his own party (PRI) along with important political allies; Salinas has worked behind the scenes since he left the Presidency. Among his most valuable allies, one key accomplice is a prominent member of the loyal opposition party (PAN), Diego Fernández de Cevallos Ramos, an immensely rich power boss, thanks to his triple role as State functionary, businessman, and lawyer who has specialized in filing lawsuits to accumulate public moneys.

“El jefe Diego” is another node where numerous shady stories come together. We can now verify his modus operandi, the people he does business with, and some of his most successful enterprises. With nothing to hide, members of the mafia have been named in letters written and addressed by Diego himself to his benefactors, demanding economic support in payment for his loyalty and services: Carlos Salinas de Gortari, Carlos Slim, Roberto Hernández, Alfredo Harp, Alberto Bailleres, Claudio X González, Lorenzo Servitje, Lorenzo Zambrano, Emilio Azcárraga Jean, Ricardo Salinas Pliego, Bernardo Quintana, Ignacio Loyola, Manlio Fabio Beltrones, Emilio Gamboa Patrón, Juan Sandoval Íñiguez, Onésimo Cepeda, Norberto Rivera Carrera, Roberto Madrazo, Jorge Hank Rohn, Santiago Creel, Enrique Peña Nieto, Carlos Romero Dechamps, and Elba Esther Gordillo, among others. A number of different relationships have been established between businessmen, politicians, the church, drug traffickers, organized crime networks, paramilitary groups, television networks, etc. These relationships are ruled by extra-legal understandings, both inside and outside the realm of regulated activities; they are the strongholds of a tangled web of factions vying for power, which are in control of the entire country.

Diego Fernández de Cevallos has built a long dishonorable career of impunity and enrichment. For example, as a friend and lawyer of the millionaire Alberto Bailleres (President of Grupo Bal and owner of El Palacio de Hierro and Seguros GNP), he defended the MetMex Peñoles company against the mothers of 11,000 children poisoned by the pollution emitted from the company’s foundry in Torreón Coahuila. Neither the mobilizations nor the suits filed by the affected people were successful because the powerful company was judicially shielded from the suits thanks to the legal skills of its lawyer, to whom justice was of little or no concern.

One of the main accomplishments in the history of Mexico was the separation of the Catholic Church from the State. The textbooks must now add a chapter on the affable reconciliation between the two, mediated by none other than Diego Fernández de Cevallos himself, in complicity with the higher ups in the Catholic Church and Carlos Salinas de Gortari. En 1992 they amended Articles 3, 5, 24, 27 and 130 of the Constitution, and in July of the same year, the Religious Associations and Public Worship Law was passed, as well as the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between the Mexican State and the Holy See, representing the beginning of an unprecedented stage in the history of contemporary Mexico, whose political and social consequences are now being felt. The Church, an apparatus allied with the elites and a fundamental part of them throughout the country’s history, is also an interface with the poor; it is, in fact, a supra state that is highly centralized, feudal, totalitarian, and ultraconservative. With the help of “el jefe Diego” and Carlos Castillo Peraza of the PAN party, a new pact was sealed between Church and State, allowing the Church to accumulate property that can be inherited and also to intervene in education. To achieve official recognition, the churches must apply to the Ministry of the Interior. It’s not surprising that the first church to be registered, with number 001, is the Roman Catholic Church; a framed copy of the certificate hangs in the office of Diego Fernández de Cevallos with the following handwritten dedication: “To Diego Fernández de Cevallos. With thanks and affection. G. Prigione” This law replaces the 1927 law in which Calles sealed the separation of Church and State initiated by Benito Juárez.

We now know that the relationship between the Mexican government and drug traffickers has been constant. What was initially a juicy business controlled by agreements and pacts establishing quotas has turned into a disputed marked in which the government continues to favor the branch that has nourished it. At the end of the ‘80s, the distinction between the drug cartels and the government began to fade, and it has been hard to tell one from the other. Raúl Salinas (with the consent of his brother Carlos), Mario Arturo Acosta Chaparro, Francisco Quiroz Hermosillo, Nazar Haro, Juan Sandoval Íñiguez, Rubén Figueroa (father and son), Diódoro Carrasco, Ulises Ruiz, Mario Marín, Jorge Tello Peón, Genaro García Luna, just to mention a few of the main actors, have been both contacts and beneficiaries, and we can’t fail to mention Diego Fernández de Cevallos. His relation to the death of “el Señor de los Cielos” (denied by García Calderoni) and the fact that he has received millions of dollars of drug money seem like minor matters in comparison to the tight connection of the government to the development and consolidation of the drug trade in Mexico. The country is now going through the most violent circumstances since the Mexican Revolution as a consequence of the Iran-Contra affair initiated by the United States government in the ‘80s, by means of which it allowed the flow of drugs from Latin America into the United States in pacts with figures like Pablo Escobar, Caro Quintero and “el Señor de los Cielos himself”, in exchange for resources used to combat insurgent movements in Central America. The government of the United States fomented the drug trade with no regard for the implications of this activity in places where it was promoted (above all in Colombia and Mexico) in exchange for wiping out political dissidence; the legacy of the Iran-Contra affair is the immense economic and military power accumulated by the drug cartels in our countries. Mexico was accomplice to this plan and now We are paying the consequences of a growth in the drug trade that not even the State can control in spite of the fake war it is fighting; it’s absurd to fight against a product of your own creation.

Through this powerful, complex mafia, Diego Fernández de Cevallos was a central figure in concretizing the change of Mexico to a minimal State (without social responsibilities and marked by an open economy, privatization and a trade opening to transnational corporations), and in making any number of changes in the law that implied historic breakdowns for Mexico. These range from the legitimization of the voter fraud against Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas to the sale of semi-public businesses, the privatization of the Mexican bank, the signing of the Free Trade Agreement of North America, the legal recognition of the Catholic Church (rolling back a hundred years of struggle for the separation of Church and State) and the changes in Article 27 of the Constitution (considered as the maximum triumph of the Revolution of 1910), annihilating not only a form of economic production (the ejidos), but also the basis of the identity of many cultures. We know the names of the people directly responsible for the reality we are now experiencing in Mexico.

These people, true to a logic that is a de facto denial of the right to a life of dignity for most of the people of Mexico, have prostituted the goods, property and resources of the nation; helped themselves to its wealth; and twisted, mutilated, and betrayed its history…, gorging themselves with political and economic power. It is high treason to continue with such operations and just as serious to legalize them, thereby guaranteeing their impunity with their own brand of justice. They’re not even innocent according to their own logic. They’ve had the audacity to champion an anti-patriotic project that declines to honor the country’s historic memory and confines people to dire poverty as a general form of existence.

The country is falling apart as They look on in amazement and disbelief. It is collapsing because of all They have done, and their speeches and media fanfare fail to convince us that we’re on the right path to resolving the numerous problems that have historically persisted in the country. The nation is being bled dry, and They refuse to admit that They and only They have satiated their thirst for unbounded wealth and immeasurable political power at the cost of an exhausted, anemic nation.

More than 30,000 deaths without counting anonymous victims; more than 200, 000 people imprisoned for having turned to crime as a life option; almost 8 million young people unemployed and ready to join criminal enterprises or enlist as scab labor or enter the ranks of drug dependency. The gradual loss of a vision and prospects for the future for young people who see their life option as getting rich quick in the magical world of TV culture or in the armies of the drug cartels. The extinction of work forces to defend Their interests due to the privatization of the country’s businesses and resources. The pauperization of working conditions and wages to maintain sources of employment. The militarization of the country, the criminalization of political dissidence; the extinction of human rights based on deceptive legal and extra legal arguments; impunity for military personnel under protective laws; and the violation of Constitutional rights and individual guarantees, paving the way for the unconstitutional practice of holding people without charges in unofficial detention centers.

This is a fragment of the Mexico in which the political balance left to us has been a long dictatorship and a pseudo transition, with countless examples of the complicity of the political parties. If we focus only on the last 25 years…surprise, surprise! We find the same criminals we’ve just denounced, among them Diego Fernández de Cevallos.

These white-collar criminals have plundered the country, organized special groups, and taken action to protect Themselves so they can continue to hold power and get rich as they see fit. They’ve used their terms of office in state institutions to obtain illegal and illegitimate economic, political and ideological benefits for Themselves and only Themselves, the only beneficiaries, the eternal beneficiaries.

They assure the designation of the Secretary of State, the Secretary of Public Safety, the Attorney General, governors, municipal presidents, senators, representatives, and other elected officeholders in order to gain more advantageous positions politically and economically. They negotiate and agree upon special awards and privileges to assure their places in the scheme of political and economic power. They defend political, economic and judicial frauds and support them economically, ideologically, politically, and judicially. It’s as if a police artist had made a composite sketch that resembles them all. Impunity shelters them their whole life long like a halo of saintliness. They tell themselves that the people and our organizations and action networks will never reach them with our long arm of justice and legitimacy. That, however, is not the case.

They are guided by principles and values that reject the possibility of a satisfying life for the rest of us. They have enjoyed using violence, both legally and illegally, visibly and invisibly, not only against organized armed groups, but also against any demonstration of social insubordination or expression that people are fed up. Their principles and values are reproduced every day by individuals with local power (in neighborhoods, towns, and villages) who brutally mistreat and scorn people, taking advantage of the constancy of their poverty. The transformation of all this resides in eradicating the kind of behavior that comes from the impunity of economic, political, and religious power ––their habitat for guaranteeing their own privileges at the expense of others.

The accusations against them are not for abstract responsibilities, but instead for concrete crimes, for engineering or covering up deeds that are unjustifiable even by their own laws; crime is their practice and cynicism their seal. As We build peoples’ power and create new forms of justice and sanctions, We can show that nobody, not even Them, will enjoy impunity forever.

Part Three

National sovereignty resides essentially and originally in the people. All public power comes from the people and is instituted for their benefit. At all times, the people have the inalienable right to alter or modify their form of government.

Article 39, Constitution

It’s time

ah, my friends, artisans,
painters, astronomers, sailors,
we’re wide awake. It’s our job
to settle a few things.

It seemed like Diego Fernández de Cevallos was untouchable until that night when his past caught up with him. And even though he really didn’t want to, he had to respond for some of his deeds and see himself in the mirror of our gaze… a mirror that reflected our prisoner’s corrupt, domineering, voracious expropriator’s makeup, and left one thing clear: Whenever we dare to fight against injustice as a people, there’s no felony that will go unpunished.

Diego Fernández de Cevallos Ramos (DFCR) is one of the politicians most responsible for the long, drawn-out process of the economic, political, and social disaster that the power elite has imposed and deployed in our country from 1982 up until now through a mafia structure that operates both inside and outside of state institutions. Under the criminal neoliberal banner, this predatory process has intensified the already deteriorated living conditions experienced by the men and women of Mexico, generating the most extensive counter-reform and the longest step backwards ever taken in our country with regards to social well-being.

DFCR is one of the politicians most representative of the abuse of power, the traffic in influences, and personal enrichment at the expense of the national treasury and resources; he has a long history of legislating in favor of the huge monopolies (finance, communications, food products, construction, transportation, etc.), giving advice to the mafias in power and handling the legal defense of big drug lords. He is one of the main accomplices and operators of the fraudulent electoral processes that have been systematically perpetrated in our country, ranging from the cover-up of the 1988 fraud that imposed Carlos Salinas de Gortari as President by ballot burning, to the 2006 voter fraud that imposed Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. DFCR is one of the main accessories in covering up the deeds of the authorities responsible for the dirty counterinsurgency war waged by the PRI regime and now being continued by the PAN against social movements, regardless of whether they are armed or not. These acts make him one of many accomplices in practices resulting in countless people being pursued, tortured, murdered, imprisoned and disappeared for political motives. He is one of the leaders directly responsible for inserting Mexico as a subordinate in the block of countries on our continent headed by United States imperialism, which has led to industrial dismantling, agricultural ruin, massive migration, the pauperization of life in general, and the plunder of our resources.

To sum up, Diego Fernández de Cevallos Ramos is an operator of the neoliberal oligarchy and the fundamentalist far right, a trafficker of influences, mercenary of the court system, congressman for hire, investor in the crisis, and defender of big drug lords. For all of these reasons, his apprehension was an activity planned and carried out as an act of redress.

Taking him prisoner, exhibiting him, and forcing him to give back a millesimal fraction of all he has robbed is a political strike against the plutocracy and its institutions; a demonstration of the will to struggle and of the operative capacity of the “riffraff,” as he calls us; a demonstration that nobody, regardless of how powerful he or she may be, is untouchable; a demonstration that with unity of action, it is possible to break the will of the enemy and combat impunity.

Seldom have we witnessed the fear, confusion, and anger that an image can produce in the powerful ruling elite as did the first photo of the captive “jefe Diego”, that began to circulate on the internet and that the news media were obliged to exhibit. In it, there was none of the arrogance and cynicism that the anachronistic encomendero [colonial trustee with rights to the labor and tribute of indigenous people] has proudly projected throughout his personal and political career. On the contrary, he appears in a state of total defenselessness, somewhat like the one in which the majority of Mexican people live, but with one noteworthy difference: Diego’s physical integrity was respected and he wasn’t exposed to the scorn for human life with which We are treated by the powerful.

Based on the results of this action, we consider it necessary to share our conviction that if We the people can organize ourselves with a single national political will into a colossal, organized social force, together we will be able to confront injustice and impunity with the aim of defeating our oppressors and reaching an agreement on the organization of a truly humanized society. And even though there are countless accusations against Diego Fernández de Cevallos and even though thousands of citizens demand his legitimate execution, we are aware that the real solution to the country’s crisis does not lie in his extermination, but instead in the ability of the people to get organized and take back the reins of our own destiny, using all available means.

As part of the organized people, we decided to take on a task; the responsibility is ours. We firmly believe that taking back the constructive use of violence is legitimate and we have acted on our beliefs.

This task is part of a larger and more important project: participating in building people’s power in order to transform this transnationalized country into a truly free and honorable homeland of our own. Or is it too much to dream that the wealth of Mexico can belong to the majority of Mexican people? Is it too ambitious to dream of a productive country that can give jobs and a decent wage to its own children? Is it a pipedream to think that We, the 90 million poor people should have a real chance to make important decisions about the economic, political, and cultural model that we want? Is it too much to ask for a Mexico for all Mexican people?

Fraternally yours,



Winter of 2010.