November 3rd, 2006 – The brutal police-military occupation of Oaxaca, ordered by Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón on Friday, 27 October, to repress the Oaxaca people, which proceeded yesterday [2 November] in an irrational manner with the military offensive to take the campus of the Benito Juárez Autonomous University of Oaxaca (UABJO), trampling the constitutional principal of the autonomous university, will resolve none of the problems of the [Oaxacan] entity, but rather it will aggravate the national crisis and make evident, once more, the historic in-viability of the PRI-PAN government in out country.
1. The repression of the Fox government of the Oaxacan people, scarcely a month before leaving the government—acordad a con el que pretende sea de manera ilegal e ilegítima su sucesor, el usurpador Felipe Calderón—has not done more than increase the number of dead and wounded and make the conflict worse, putting the country in enormous risk for all Mexicans if this same group of extremists (of the law) continues in power with the same politics.
2. The popular resistance of the Oaxacan people, headed by APPO, against the government of Fox calls, now, the attention of the entire world, and continues making in-viable a solution to the conflict, by the PAN government, through means of force, but the significant obstruction by Fox and Calderón—who want to hide those who hands are covered in blood—is greater, and who, with fascist criteria, try to criminalize those who have been attacked and, in particular, the APPO and some of its most visible leaders, like Flavio Sosa, and try to pass the blame of the situation onto the PRI state government, evading responsibility, and are obstinate in denying reality in pretending that there is not violence and negating their responsibility in the deaths.
3. Federal government spokepersons and the regime’s writers have initiated a violent campaign in the media, as in other occasions, in order to distort reality and confuse Mexicans, and their obsession is pretending that the origin of the radical conflict is in the cancellation, made in 2006, of the government of Ulises Ruiz of the nearly 400 million pesos of support for the social organizations that make up APPO, in the salary demands of the teachers of section 22 of the [Mexican] National Syndicate of Education Workers, and in the corruption of the local government, failing to recognize the role the Fox government has played in the aggravation of the living conditions of Oaxacan in his six-year term.
4. The behavior of the Fox government in the conflict synthesizes many of the perverse practices of his term, among others the totalitarian aim of imparting one version of reality, even through means of force. The violent actions of the Federal Preventative Police (PFP) yesterday, with a seldom seen deployment of tanks and helicopters to take over the UABJO, looked to detain the leadership of the movement and destroy the APPO, but they also looked to retain Radio Universidad in order to silence the Oaxacan people and attempt to impart, as they have done in this case, a singular voice on what is transpiring.
5. The battle of Oaxaca, among the forsaken people and the armed Fox government is now [today] a national question that concerns all Mexicans, indignant, for the most part, of the Fox-ist cruelty, but it is also an international concern […] [and now] Much more since the assassination, in cold blood, on Friday [October] the 27th, of the American freelance reporter Bradley Roland Will in the municipality of Santa Lucía del Camino, in a crime in RI-istas and PAN-istas, Ulises Ruiz and Vicente Fox share, all of them among the assassins. Or perhaps Fox and Calderón are not preparing for the country a scenario for the next government in which paramilitary groups will be key for the hoped-for “control of society”? And are not those groups already in Oaxaca?
6. The inability [incapacity] of the Fox government to confront the conflict in Oaxaca came from their hope that everything will appear to have been resolved, a) without being willing to cede the social demands of the Oaxacan people expresses by APPO, and b) without hurting, minimally, the agreements that Fox and Calderón forged with the leadership of the PRI in the marking of the strategic PRI-PAN alliance for the next six-year term, in holding out for the approval of the “strategic packet” of neo-liberal. From there, they insist in not wanting to see the dramatic situation of the Oaxacan people, and opposing themselves to Ulises Ruiz resigning the governorship, with the argument that his removal would open the way for the PRI losing the next constitutional elections in the some months.
7. The commentators [“of officialism”]—who hope that the subordination of the PRI-ista quarters to the PAN should be a change of nothing, that what is required is a government more openly of the ultra-right—ask, sin ocultar el antipriísmo furibundo del que hacen gala (what is not concealed in that a few years ago they were enthusiastic PRIist-files), in a badly formulated interrogation, “How many deaths are worth the trouble for Ulises Ruiz” when they should ask: “How may more deaths are worth the trouble for the neo-liberal programs sustained by the PRI-PAN alliance?” Or, “How many more deaths are required to hold together with pins the spurious presidency of Calderón?”
8. The apparent change of the federal government strategy in Oaxaca in recent days obeys, in any case, the decision in Washington to dispense with—now not in a gradual manner, but brusquely—the PRI in a possible de facto Calderónist government, threatening Fox and Salinas with accelerating the political process of building a quicker disappearance of the PRI-ism from the national scenario. The communication of the American ambassador, Tony Garza, since the murder of [Brad] Will, demanding that there is a return to “the rule of law and order in Oaxaca”, which was an order—without saying a word—for Fox to send the PFP, might have been inadmissible in other times for constituting a inadmissible interference, but now passed imperceptibly, marking the peleismo of the current PAN government.
9. The Oaxaca conflict should be confronted through the path of dialogue and not with the forces of the repressive corps, as has been demanded of Fox and Calderón—the tied-together pair that tries to government during the inter-term period—by common sense, rational sectors, but the ineptitude and lack of democratic will of the PANistas, shown this year with the savage repressions in Sicartsa and in Atenco, does not make visible that society’s reason might impose themselves easily on the interests and on the ideological obnubilation of the extreme right in power. Calderón evidenced his myopia in the communication read by his spokesperson during the combat around the University City [Ciudad Universitaria] of Oaxaca, when he indicated that he desired that the police-military operation could culminate “successfully” in order to establish what he called, characteristically ignorantly, “the normality of public life in the state of Oaxaca.”
10. The “normality” of public life in Oaxaca will be had not when force triumphs, and not when Ulises Ruiz leaves and the demands of the Oaxacan people begin to be attended to, which today legitimizes the APPO, but, rather, when those people are able to be owners of their own destiny without being put down as a minority, those who today are governed as such [as a minority] in the country, and who are encountering the PAN’s preferred instrument [i.e., repression].
by Luis Javier Garrido